Archives for: February 2009

    02/27/09

    Permalink 03:29:03 am, Categories: Announcements [A]

    John Tierney has, as usual, a good piece this week on the confluence of politics and science.

    “Some scientists want to influence policy in a certain direction and still be able to claim to be above politics,” Dr. Pielke says. “So they engage in what I call ‘stealth issue advocacy’ by smuggling political arguments into putative scientific ones.”

    Coming from the agenda-free world of education policy and research, I must say I’m shocked.

    It’s funny how this never seems to work the other way around. Or does it? Could there be politicians who, while seemingly cutting deals, caving to special interests, and playing to the cameras are actually secretly conducting field work and collecting data for their rigorous research studies?

    The possibilities are endless. 

    02/26/09

    Permalink 05:16:02 am, Categories: Announcements [A]
    Sherman Dorn says he’s bitter.

    It’s partly because he’s assumed (imagined, made up, what have you) a lot of things I wrote in yesterday’s post on teacher quality and equity with regard to the stimulus bill. I am not going to bother knocking down all the straw men he constructed.

    But….regarding my characterization of his approach to education policy as too centered on consequences for adults and not enough on consequences for students: I stand by it (though, let’s be clear, I am sure he cares deeply about both). I sincerely apologize for singling Sherman out, though. He’s not alone. 
     
    Another recent example (and one appropos of yesterday’s post):

    "We can say we just want more good teachers, which would be great, but that’s a policy that we just don’t know how to do yet," said Diane Whitmore Schanzenbach, an education policy professor at the University of Chicago. "The nice thing about reducing class size is that it makes teachers happy in their own right and it’s the one thing that we know how to do."

    Let me get this straight (note to Sherman: this isn’t about you):
     
    A professor of education doesn’t know what makes a good teacher? 

    The "one thing [they] know how to do" is reduce class size? 

    We only know how to "make teachers happy," so that’s all we should attempt to accomplish?

    Why, then, are we sending students to ed schools for teacher prep? Couldn’t we just send accountants to each school district and have them impose teacher-student ratios?

    Wouldn’t "making good teachers" cause both teachers and students (not to mention parents) "happy"?

    Is "happy" all we are after? (could you imagine a medical school saying: "We would like to have students practice anatomy on cadavers, but it makes many of them unhappy"? "We are thinking about removing organic chem as a prerequisite because students are very unhappy when they have to take it"…?)

    Is "making teachers happy" one of the qualitative measures the "Broader, Bolder" campaign will propose when they meet today at EPI? Will report cards in the future say "the kids didn’t learn math, science or English, and didn’t make it in college, but our school made AYP because teachers were happy"?
     
    If all you are expecting as a professional who intervenes in the lives of children and families - especially those from troubled circumstances - is "happy" then, with all due respect, you are in the wrong profession.
     
     
    P.S. It occurred to me after posting that Joanne Jacobs was at least two days ahead of me on this "happy" theme. I don’t want to speak for her, but there is something to be said for synchrony.
     

    02/25/09

    Permalink 11:24:05 am, Categories: Announcements [A]

     "We know the countries that out-teach us today will out-compete us tomorrow."

    — President Obama, Joint Session of Congress, February 24, 2009

     ——————————————————————————————

    Improving the quality of teaching and equalizing the distribution of good teachers is not a new issue in federal education policy. But it is one that remains largely unaddressed and entirely unresolved.

    The parameters of the debate, at least within the Democratic party, were evident most recently - largely behind closed doors - on the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act signed into law last week. It is significant that each bill took a distinct approach to the teacher equity issue.*

    Though - perhaps because - these differences were resolved by simply merging the language of both bills, they will be instructive in interpreting and evaluating implementation of ARRA by the Obama Administration over the coming weeks. 

    What Secretary Duncan and his team do, and how swiftly they do it, will signal whether they are determined to take President Obama’s call to action down to ground level
     
    Will they move the ball down the field? Or succumb to political pressure from both the left and the right and punt?
     
    Teacher Quality Provisions in the Stimulus Bill

    The House instructed the Secretary to enforce Title I provisions of ESEA which specify that states shall equalize the distribution of inexperienced, unqualified, or out-of-field teachers between schools with high proportions of low-income and minority students and those with low proportions of students from these demographic groups.

    The Senate instructed the Secretary to improve teacher effectiveness through a list of eighteen professional development activities specified under Title II of ESEA.

    In short, neither bill created new laws. Instead, both asked that existing provisions of federal law be enforced.**

    The conference report essentially merged the House and Senate provisions. Each approach has strengths and weaknesses. These strengths and weaknesses bear close attention in designing the specifics and timing of federal policy.

    The Senate language on “effectiveness” is the right long-term goal. But the vast majority of states and school districts do not have the data systems required to measure teacher effectiveness by linking individual teachers with data on student achievement. The lack of such data is the very reason for the inclusion of $250 million in ARRA to fund such data systems. 
     
    Surmounting the logistical and political obstacles to implementing such systems will take many years (perhaps a decade or more).  In fact, in many states there is tremendous pressure to pass legislation which assures a firewall-like separation between teachers and student performance.  Such laws have already passed in California, New York, and Wisconsin; Colorado is in the middle of this debate right now and could go either way.

    Searching for A Proxy Until We Reach the Holy Grail of "Effectiveness"

    The Senate bill’s focus on “effectiveness” was made much weaker – in fact was  completely contradicted - because it was linked to a list of 18 professional development activities, with no research base and with questionable validity even on their face (e.g., "funding projects and carrying out programs to encourage men to become elementary school teachers"; I know of no research that shows that men are more effective teachers than women). Conferees showed good judgement in deleting these provisions in conference. 
     
    The question is, will this deleted language allowing more vaguely defined professional development as a proxy for pursuing equity still act as a guide in administration of ARRA?
     
    Our answer is: "hopefully not."
     
    Here, briefly, is why:

     The 1996 NCTAF report, authored by Obama transition team leader Linda Darling-Hammond, stated:

    "Our society can no longer accept the hit-or-miss hiring, sink-or-swim induction, trial-and-error teaching, and take-it-or-leave-it professional development it has tolerated in the past.;  and that;

    "professional development should be focused on a set of shared knowledge, skills, and commitments."

    Unfortunately, in the 13 years since the report, none of these things has happened. Admonishments like these cannot change deeply rooted bad practices. And there is little reason to believe the feds could enforce those guidelines even if they wanted to. 
     
    If the Administration chooses to head in this direction - simply relying on nice words to states to do more and better professional development - anybody expecting real change over the next four years will be sorely disappointed.

    A better short term strategy - until states have valid and reliable data systems for measuring teacher effectiveness - would focus on teacher experience, qualifications (e.g., academic performance), and subject matter knowledge. These, like the professional development criteria jettisoned in conference, are still proxies. But they are proxies that, despite claims to the contrary, have a solid research base.

    The best work in this area has been done by the Education Trust. Their 2006 report “How Poor and Minority Students are Shortchanged on Teacher Quality” is chock full of good research; here is but one compelling example (from the Secretary’s home turf no less). We quote/paraphrase:

    The Illinois Education Research Council looked at a combination of measures and documented significant differences in the combined characteristics of teachers in high- and low-poverty schools. They also attempted to understand how, if at all, these differences affected student achievement.

    In the highest poverty high schools that had high Teacher Quality Indices, for example, there were about twice as many students meeting state standards as there were in similarly poor high schools that had low TQIs. In elementary and middle schools, when the TQI increased, so too, did the percentage of students who met or exceeded state standards, even after controlling for students’ background characteristics.

    In schools with just average teacher quality, for example, students who completed Algebra II were more prepared for college than their peers in schools with the lowest teacher quality who had completed calculus.

    Moving Beyond Rhetoric to Action

    The quote from President Obama at the top of this post suggests that he is serious about taking action, sooner rather than later.

    The following are actions that would accomplish this goal, from the stimulus advisory issued Monday by Democrats for Education Reform (full disclosure: this blog’s author is DFER’s Director of Federal Policy).

    For "Race to the Top States" the Secretary should:

    ✔ Exercise his authority to combine professional development funds under current ESEA law with the new innovation and incentive grants and the $200 million for the Teacher Innovation Fund and the $250 for data systems to work with states, districts, parents and their advocates, and local teachers’ unions on merit pay, placement, tenure, and other issues. Doing so would be entirely consistent with the ideas that President Obama advanced on the campaign trail.***

    ✔ Use the $100 million in new funding for teacher quality enhancement grants to promote quality pre-service education and training, which explicitly includes alternative training providers, to ensure that teachers: 

    ✔ complete a student teaching or residency program before they assume primary responsibility for a classroom; and, 

    ✔ have the subject matter knowledge and specific expertise (e.g., ELL or special education training) required by the school districts in which they will ultimately be hired. 

    For all states, especially those "bringing up the rear":

    ✔ Since over the last several years federal loan forgiveness and merit scholarships for students in teacher training programs who teach in high-need schools, or have special expertise in subject areas and skills for which there are shortages, have been created and/or expanded, the Department should try to bundle all available aid in a way that is clear and accessible to prospective teachers, institutions of higher education, and K-12 schools to maximize access and effectiveness. 

    ✔ The Secretary should  inform all recipients of Title I and ARRA funding that they will be expected to be in full compliance with teacher equity requirements within one calendar year.

    ✔ Further, DFER recommends that the Department conduct a swift and thorough audit of the progress of both the states and the 100 largest school districts on achieving both meaningful teacher quality and teacher equity. The audit should examine the accuracy, completeness and authenticity of data collected at the state and district level and ensure it is reported to the public.

    ✔ States that fail to meet their legal obligations to poor and minority children should be referred to the Office for Civil Rights. OCR should be empowered to use all its enforcement tools to secure compliance.

    ✔ In the meantime, the Secretary should begin, immediately, to aggressively enforce the provision in Title II of ESEA that requires states to enter into compliance agreements with districts that have not met the  requirements of current law to focus professional development funds to meet  their existing "high quality teacher" definitions up until such time that those definitions are revised per Department review.

    In short, the Administration’s approach to improving teacher quality and equitably distributing good teachers must be bold, aggressive, comprehensive, and systemic. Nothing short of this has worked or will work. It is said that the definition of insanity is repeating the same behavior over and over again and expecting different results. Secretary Duncan and his team have the funding and the authority to, once and for all, stop the insanity.
     
    —————————————— 
     
    * For a through review of the broader politics involved, you definitely won’t do better than Richard Colvin’s piece - "Straddling the Democratic Divide" - in the issue of Education Next just out today. 
     
    ** For more on how states and districts have gamed the teacher quality requirements of ESEA, and how the U.S. Department of Education has let them get away with it, see these two reports by the Citizens’ Commission on Civil Rights: 

     
     
    *** This is already an allowable state use of ESEA Title II funds:

    2113( c ) ( 2 ): Developing, or assisting local educational agencies in developing, merit-based performance systems, and strategies that provide differential and bonus pay for teachers in high-need academic subjects such as reading, mathematics, and science and teachers in high-poverty schools and districts.

    02/22/09

    Permalink 07:12:03 am, Categories: Announcements [A]

    "We have lived with dysfunctions for a long time. Moving away from the dysfunctions means an ability to trust that there is something better possible–and to give up whatever perks we have each been receiving from the dysfunctional system" — Margo/Mom   

    The ever shape-shifting Diane Ravitch has already declared President Obama as a failure on education policy because she hasn’t gotten her (or others’; I’m not exactly sure) way so far in the entire 4 weeks of his Administration. Among other things, she’d like to hand policy over to the very people who created the dysfunctional systems she spent her career railing against. (She’s taking her marbles, and going home. And just wait until the book comes out; you’ll all be sorry).

    The denial of reality here is astounding, most notably accusing a Secretary who just secured $13 billion in Title I funding, including $3 billion for "struggling" schools, as only being interested in "punishment." (This plays well in progressivist fantasy land, to whose usual suspects she blast e-mailed her diatribe).

    Meanwhile, the artful dodgers at the Fordham Foundation now assert that education policy has been hijacked by civil rights groups, in the wake of a campaign where even Rudy Giuliani and John McCain called education the "civil rights issue of the 21st century." One of my astute colleagues has called the Fordham attack the "southern strategy" on education.
     
    Who’s right? The left wing who says education policy has been hijacked by conservatives? Or conservatives who say lefties have hoodwinked the right? Maybe, probably, neither.

    Regarding all of this, here is another guest blog from Margo/Mom who, unlike 99% of the passionately intense chatterers in and outside the Beltway, has no financial or personal interest in this other than trying to ensure that her two public school students get a quality education. We welcome her again to this blog and are honored to have her as our guest.

    ———————————————————————

    Comments on Universal Proficiency, No Child Left Behind, and Becoming a Part of the “Reformy Crowd”

    by Margo/Mom

    Among the big questions in education today is the question of whether Obama will turn out to be a “reformer,” or follow a path that satisfies a more traditional, allegedly Democratic, path. Will he stick to Bush’s plan (forgetting that the roots of NCLB go back to Clinton, and Title I goes back to Johnson), or soften up expectations of academic proficiency? Did Bush really intend to support proficiency for all, or was this just a set up for failure to open the door for a hostile take-over?

    I have always suspected that Bush was naively sincere in allowing the addition of disaggregated reporting and AYP to No Child. In any case, I have urged NCLB naysayers on the left to make hay while the sun was shining in this regard, and use NCLB to put a focus in improved education for the kids who always get left out.

    Putting aside the frequent characterization of (approaching) universal "proficiency" as "pie in the sky," the transparency of test scores and their disaggregation have had (what I have always assumed to be) unintended benefits in illuminating achievement gaps and moving away from “anything that keeps them away from the rest of us” curriculum for students with disabilities. The three schools in my district with greatest growth in test scores have been the three schools that formerly warehoused students with emotional disabilities. Surprisingly, kids with emotional difficulties can, in fact learn. Who knew?

    There have also been great disappointments. The "highly qualified teacher" requirements have succeeded at the state level in creating a lower level qualification. Teachers who were never certified to teach subjects that they were teaching at the secondary level (particularly those teaching students with disabilities) have been grandfathered via HQT and some summer workshops. They are still not licensed to teach content–but they are "highly qualified" to to so.

    It’s hard to fault the process of NCLB. For the most part, the process (of standard setting and determining levels of proficiency) has been left up to states and they in turn have left improvement planning, professional development, curriculum and the like to the local level.

    There have been surprises. This movement towards freedom with responsibility turned out to be a sea change for educators. State-level decision-makers feared that setting an achievable level of proficiency would lead schools to do no more than what was required (which may very well be the case) and focused on rigor, making standards documents vast repositories for everything that anyone thought it important to teach. Administrators in schools who came in well below the mark responded with restrictive pacing guides and got tough with regard to anything except direct teaching of measured content (eliminating recess, arts, music, health, etc). 

    Teachers sent the message to their unions that they couldn’t do any more than they were already doing and set about to ignore or subtly sabotage any possibilities for change that would demonstrate improvement (thereby helping to guarantee that this, like all other reform, would go away). The union talked it up about the poor stressed out children who couldn’t understand the vocabulary of the tests, or who couldn’t recognize content that they had learned when they saw it "in the test format." District administrators responded by ensuring multiple additional required tests to provide more data and to inure students to testing (since that had been defined as the problem–not the curriculum, or the teaching).

    Also unforeseen was the lack of learning expertise prevalent among the teaching community. Rather than well-founded treatises on the things that might be needed in order to improve the education of those students found to be lagging, teachers presented long lists of reasons why these children would never be able to gain in knowledge unless they, their families and their communities became fundamentally different. Smaller classrooms and eliminating testing for students with disabilities and non-English speakers were advocated, if indeed the tests–and responsibility for outcomes–were to continue.

    I came into the standardized testing realities as a liberal, singing in the liberal choir lamenting the effects of the tests on low-income students. This is because the first tests in my state were legislated by conservatives who sought to punish students for being the recipients of demonstrably sub-standard educations. They were implemented sans standards as guidance and the consequences fell exclusively on students–who were denied graduation if they could not pass a test of eight grade content prior to achieving a "12th grade" education.

    I remained skeptical as NCLB introduced the availability of transfers or tutoring (having little faith in either). Frankly, I have been waiting for "sanctions" to arrive in any meaningful way at most of the low performing schools in the district. Not that I prefer sanctions. I much prefer a dedicated improvement process–but this is largely regarded as "more meaningless paperwork."

    I don’t doubt the sincerity of our district superintendent, or most teachers–just as I don’t much doubt the sincerity of G. W. Bush wanting to bring about equality of educational opportunity.

    But we have lived with dysfunctions for a long time. Moving away from the dysfunctions means an ability to trust that there is something better possible–and to give up whatever perks we have each been receiving from the dysfunctional system. Those perks may include a better school for "our" kids in another district. They may be the freedom to choose our own lessons and tests without having any idea if they are effective. They may be the ability of teachers to set their in-school hours and days around their preferences, rather than those of parents. Knowing that no one is going to judge an excellent teacher’s skill also means that the teacher down the hall who is in over his head won’t get any help.

    So–I have moved into the "reformy" crowd, at this point. Pie in the sky or not, I like setting a goal of moving towards 100% proficiency. To do otherwise begins to beg the question of what level of proficiency ought we expect–and for whom do we lower the bar?

    ———————————————————————–


    Margo/Mom is a single parent of two students who attend public schools in a Midwestern urban school district

    Her previous guest post, "Are Schools Christmas-Treeing Their Improvement Plans?" is: here. 

    ———————————————————————–

    Update: you can see Margo/Mom and others go back and forth on this debate over at Ravitch’s ironically named blog at Ed Week, "Bridging Differences": here. 

    02/13/09

    Permalink 07:00:29 am, Categories: Announcements [A]
     
    The details just came out last night (see House Appropriations Committee postings: here), but on a first read there are a lot of good education provisions in the stimulus bill that have the potential to effect significant improvements in federally funded K-12 programs.

    The big enchilada goes to Secretary of Education Arne Duncan, who will have $5 billion over the next two years (an entirely unprecedented amount for an Education Secretary and an incredible performance bonus for his high-energy three weeks on the job) to allot to prod states to do things like equalize the distribution of qualified teachers and improve state assessment systems.

    It’s not as easy as it may sound. Despite strong statutory language already in federal law, other Secretaries have fallen short on trying to attain these goals.

    Here are some suggestions for trying to sort out how, this time around, things could go better than they have in the past: 

    ■ Compare what you know about current state assessment systems with what  federal law requires, outlined below (Section 1111(b) of ESEA for us nerds)

    ■ While doing so, keep in mind that most of these provisions have been law since 1994, and that states were alloted $2 billion for these purposes between 1994 and 1999 under President Clinton’s Goals 2000 Act.

    ■ Afterwards, read this paper by Tom Toch on some of the obstacles that got in the way of implementing the law’s stringent requirements, including the fact that a relatively small number of companies create tests (some call it a monopoly), they try to maximize their profit margins, and states are always under pressure to do assessments on the cheap (even though they are one of the most criticized aspects of the entire educational system).

    ■ See the "Assessment Fact Sheet" that Margaret Spellings and company issued last month, among other materials, on state compliance with federal law on assessments (14 states are out of compliance and, as you will see, these are simply the most egregious cases).

    ■ Then think about ways these problems might be avoided this time around. I offered one possible strategy in an Ed Week opinion piece late last year. But there are lots of other people with good ideas. Let’s hope they get a seat at the table this time.

    Selected Highlights Of Federal Law Requirements for Assessments

    Assessments shall–

    (i) be the same academic assessments used to measure the achievement of all children;

    (ii) be aligned with the State’s challenging academic content and student academic achievement standards, and provide coherent information about student attainment of such standards; 

    (iii) be used for purposes for which such assessments are valid and reliable, and be consistent with relevant, nationally recognized professional and technical standards;

    (iv) be used only if the State educational agency provides to the Secretary evidence from the test publisher or other relevant sources that the assessments used are of adequate technical quality for each purpose required under this Act and are consistent with the requirements of this section, and such evidence is made public by the Secretary upon request;

    (vi) involve multiple up-to-date measures of student academic achievement, including measures that assess higher-order thinking skills and understanding;

    (viii) at the discretion of the State, measure the proficiency of students in academic subjects not described in clauses (v), (vi), (vii) [i.e., other than math, reading, and science] in which the State has adopted challenging academic content and academic achievement standards; 

    (ix) provide for—

    (II) the reasonable adaptations and accommodations for students with disabilities (as defined under section 602(3) of the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act) necessary to measure the academic achievement of such students relative to State academic content and State student academic achievement standards; and

    (III) the inclusion of limited English proficient students, who shall be assessed in a valid and reliable manner and provided reasonable accommodations on assessments administered to such students under this paragraph, including, to the extent practicable, assessments in the language and form most likely to yield accurate data on what such students know and can do in academic content areas, until such students have achieved English language proficiency as determined under paragraph (7);

    (xii) produce individual student interpretive, descriptive, and diagnostic reports, consistent with clause (iii) that allow parents, teachers, and principals to understand and address the specific academic needs of students, and include information regarding achievement on academic assessments aligned with State academic achievement standards, and that are provided to parents, teachers, and principals, as soon as is practicably possible after the assessment is given, in an understandable and uniform format, and to the extent practicable, in a language that parents can understand;

    (xiv) be consistent with widely accepted professional testing standards, objectively measure academic achievement, knowledge, and skills, and be tests that do not evaluate or assess personal or family beliefs and attitudes, or publicly disclose personally identifiable information; and

    (xv) enable itemized score analyses to be produced and reported, consistent with clause (iii), to local educational agencies and schools, so that parents, teachers, principals, and administrators can interpret and address the specific academic needs of students as indicated by the students’ achievement on assessment items.

    ——————————————————

    In other words, the real work begins starting now.

    02/12/09

    Permalink 02:55:23 pm, Categories: Announcements [A]
    Everyone is playing the waiting game on the stimulus, at least on the details (Well not everyone. Some people have real jobs. Or, increasingly, are looking for one).
     
    While waiting, you can read these recommendations from the Gadfly on what Secretary Arne Duncan should do with the $5 billion he seems likely to get for incentives and innovation.
     
    Or you can play this Fordham version of Madlibs some friends and I were screwing around with earlier today. Feel free to submit either items or answers of your own.
     
     
     
    The federal government had a very good idea when it decided to ______________________.

    Unfortunately, __________________ succumbed to pressure from liberals and civil rights groups, subverting the original intent which was ____________________.

    We think the federal government has it backward and should provide flexibility for _________________ while instituting strict requirements for ________________ and get out of the business of ________________.

    02/08/09

    Permalink 11:44:45 am, Categories: Announcements [A]
    by Andrew Hart*

    For the best up-to-date reporting on the back and forth of education funding in the stimulus, see Politics K-12

    See our takes on stimulus dollars, politics, and policy herehereherehere

    —————————————– 

    *Andrew Hart is a freelance artist and co-founder of the Philadelphia Cartoonist Society. 

    To see more of his artwork, visit his website www.andre-whart.com.

    This is Swift & Change Able cartoon #12 and appears exclusively at Swift & Change Able. 

    All rights reserved to Andrew Hart.

    02/06/09

    Permalink 04:35:01 am, Categories: Announcements [A]
    Senators Ben Nelson (D-NE) and Susan Collins (R-ME) have proposed drastic cuts to education funding - e.g., reducing funds for Title I by 50% - and would strike most of the already meager reforms from the Senate bill. 

    By cutting the entire State Incentive Grant fund ($15,000,000,000) the Nelson/Collins amendment would completely eviscerate already paltry accountability afforded to Secretary Duncan over state uses of funds in areas such as teacher equity and assessments.
     
    A table showing the Nelson/Collins cuts (from paper circulating on the Hill) appears below.
     
    Paul Krugman, author of "The Return of Depression Economics," looks at the Senate stimulus debate and finds it highly incongruous with the state of affairs in the U.S.:
     

    "Over the last two weeks, what should have been a deadly serious debate about how to save an economy in desperate straits turned, instead, into hackneyed political theater, with Republicans spouting all the old clichés about wasteful government spending and the wonders of tax cuts." 

      
     

    02/05/09

    Permalink 08:04:11 am, Categories: Announcements [A]
    There are signs that Republican moderates in the Senate may be taking aim at education funding in the stimulus as a way of paring down the overall size of the $900 billion package.

    For example, in an editorial published today, the Washington Post - citing the efforts of Senator Susan Collins (R-ME) - paints the House bill as having "confused objectives" and argues for cutting funding in the stimulus bill for programs like Head Start and, one could infer, other areas of education. 

    We applaud President Obama for reaching out to Senate moderates of both parties to craft a bill that has a broader base of support. It shows a willingness to keep his campaign promises of inclusion and bipartisanship and is both smart policy and wise politics.

    But putting education on the chopping block would work against the central purpose of the stimulus package. It may appease extreme conservatives, who are genetically predisposed to fight any increase in education funding. But members who follow those marching orders are unlikely to vote for the package anyway. As such, cutting education funding is both economically and politically illogical.

    An economic stimulus package first and foremost should be about forestalling wider economic catastrophe. Pre-school and K-12 education are among those sectors of the economy that face the most immediate and most severe budget cuts and, in turn, potentially massive layoffs. 

    Unemployed teachers, and parents who have no place to care for and educate their young children during the day while they work, tend to have problems paying mortgages, utility bills, and buying food and medical care. Not good for the economy.

    Marguerite Roza makes these points eloquently in a paper published Tuesday, noting that because it is the lowest paid and least senior workers who are laid-off first, "cutting the most junior personnel means reducing the workforce by larger percentages than implied by budget cuts."
     
    The stimulus can and should improve the economy by helping to ensure that things do not get any worse. Education funding is vital to that effort.

    02/03/09

    Permalink 06:02:08 pm, Categories: Announcements [A]
    The Senate has taken up the stimulus bill. Everyone should watch this closely, because the rumor inside the Beltway is that whatever the Senate passes will be the final stimulus deal i.e., there will be no House-Senate conference. We’ll see. But a word to the wise: act "as if."
     
    So far, the big fights - at least publicly - are not over the education funding in the package, which is surprising because about 1 of every 6 dollars in both the House and Senate bills is allocated for education.
     
    Not that people within the education world aren’t engaged in their own intramural squabbles. The loudest voices so far are coming, full of passionate intensity, from two extreme poles. 
     
    On one side are those who routinely decry the state of the nation’s education system, but have rarely if ever met a federal education policy (or dollar) that they like. 
     
    At the other poll, though no less extreme are those who somehow are arguing that exactly when the feds provide enough money to bail out state education budgets - and then some - will be the perfect time to ask the states to do even less than they’ve been doing on education. And if no one tells the states to do otherwise, who can really blame them for trying?
     
    Surely, however, there’s room for the silent middle to agree on some reasonable accountability and transparency requirements in exchange for this unprecedented infusion of federal aid to state and local education.

    Democrats for Education Reform has posted some excellent briefing materials, and some policy recommendations, on their website. They’ve been in heavy circulation amongst wonks and pols alike all day.
     
    DFER’s overarching point is that the massive amount of funds in the bill for education are more than ample to a) shore up state and local budgets b) stimulate the economy and c) promote some much needed reforms. If we haven’t learned from the financial market bailout debacle that stacks of cash must be accompanied by stringent accountability and transparency requirements, it seems doubtful we ever will.
     
    What follows is a rundown of some of the hot issues in play. You will see a theme here. The House bill is stronger on reform. While we don’t argue with the need to bail-out state and local budgets, the Senate bill, in and of itself, is about as likely to promote real reform as dropping 140 billion dollar bills with "do nice things" written on them out of an airplane while flying over the United States and its territories.
     
    Here’s to change.
     
    Teacher Incentive Fund
     
    The House bill provides $200 million for the Teacher Incentive Fund. This is a modest amount that will put money in the pockets of teachers (stimulus) and help get effective teachers to high-poverty and high-minority schools (reform).
     
    It would be nice if the amount were bigger. For example, a mere $500 million would be enough to provide $5,000 bonuses to 100,000 teachers who agree to teach in hard-to-staff schools.

    But there is no money at all for TIF, at this writing, in the Senate bill. We think arguments against this as a "new" program are specious. Appropriators created it and have been funding it since 2006. It’s chump change in the larger scheme of things. Should be a no-brainer.
     
    Data Systems 
     
    The House bill includes $250 million for education data systems. There is an important reason that they did so.
     
    In July of 2007, Congress passed the "America COMPETES" Act. The purpose of America COMPETES is:
     
    "To ensure our nation’s competitive position in the world through improvements to math and science education and a strong commitment to research."
     

    The House Science and Technology Committee website says this:

    "H.R. 2272 is the culmination of a year and a half-long, bipartisan effort led by Members of the House Science and Technology Committee to pass a package of competitiveness bills in response to recommendations in the 2005 National Academies report, ‘Rising Above the Gathering Storm.’" 

    The bill was endorsed by a number of research and professional organizations, including the Business Roundtable and the National Education Association.
     
    One of America COMPETES goals is to create a system in which states - and the public - can monitor how we are doing in creating a 21st century workforce that can compete in a global economy, and make policy adjustments accordingly.  The House language on data systems helps fund the America COMPETES Act’s ambitious goals. We heard much about these issues out on the 2008 campaign trail.
     
    The Senate bill does not allocate funds for education data systems. Here, again, the issues are stimulus and reform, with an eye toward long-term economic growth. Again, should be a no-brainer.

    Teacher Equity
     
    The House Bill has what should be a non-controversial provision entitled: "ACHIEVING EQUITY IN TEACHER DISTRIBUTION"

    It simply repeats language in NCLB that requires states to provide "assurances" that they are remedying "inequities in the distribution of teachers between high-and low-poverty schools, and to ensure that low-income and minority children are not taught at higher rates than other children by inexperienced, unqualified, out-of-field teachers."

    States have done abysmally on this score, in part because it was not something the Bush Administration was much interested in. For more, see reports by the Citizens’ Commission on Civil Rights (here) and the Education Trust (here).

    It seems worth it to ask states to try to do this again under a new and hopefully more sympathetic Administration.

    The Senate bill, however, ignores the House language. Instead, it asks states to improve "teacher effectiveness." That sounds ok, but it allows states to do this by choosing one or more activities from a laundry list that includes “carrying out programs to encourage men to become elementary school teachers.”  In other words, effectiveness is defined as "anything goes."

    We think a sensible compromise would be to include the House language, add the word "effectiveness," and dump the laundry list. Then hope like hell that Secretary Duncan will take the ball and run with it toward real change, based on measurable outcomes with real timelines, to tangibly improve the quality of teaching provided to poor and minority children. What could be better?

    Fiscal Accountability

    It sounds boring, but provisions like "maintenance of effort" and "supplement not supplant" are huge. These are provisions in federal law that require states not to spend down their own funds when they get federal money or divert them to other purposes.
     
    Without maintenance of effort, there is no stimulus - because there is no net gain in dollars.
     
    If states are allowed to "supplant" i.e., use education funds for something other than educating children, then there is no reform. For some reason, including these protections is in doubt. Great doubt.

    This is one issue that pits powerful Governors against less powerful superintendents, principals, teachers, and other school staff.

    According to ABC News Channel 7 in the California Bay Area:

    “The California Teacher Association says the [stimulus] money will not be a silver bullet for all the state’s funding problems. In fact, there’s some concern that it could result in more state cuts.

    "One of the things that we’re fearful of is that we’re hopeful that the state doesn’t take a look at the money we’re getting from the feds and say ‘the feds just gave you $7 million so we’re going to cut you by $7 million,’" said Jason Hodge, as spokesperson for the Vallejo (California) Unified School District."

    The Ed Money Watch blog at the New America Foundation has published an excellent, as usual, back-grounder on this issue.

    Their conclusion is similar to that of the California school district spokesperson above:

    "Proper implementation will be crucial for ensuring that the new Congressional rescue package actually supplements existing initiatives, rather than encourages state funding decreases."

    Stay tuned.

    02/01/09

    Permalink 06:04:59 am, Categories: Announcements [A]

    MSNBC: "Top NSF staffers allegedly ’spent long stretches’ surfing Internet for pornography"

    This could explain why the National Science Foundation funded and promoted a study which was so grossly negligent in its analysis of No Child Left Behind’s accountability provisions.

    Similar inquiry into why the American Academy for the Advancement of Science published and ballyhooed the same study in its journal "Science," and has yet to respond to the letter we sent them three months ago, could be similarly illuminating.

    If NSF showed the same restraint in its 9-5 office conduct as we showed in this post, science and the nation would be all the better for it.

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    Swift & Change Able will attempt to cover all aspects of education policy, including:
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